- A brief account of the history of logic, from the The Oxford Companion to Philosophy (edited by Ted Honderich), OUP 1997, 497-500.
- A biography of Peter Abelard, published in the Dictionary of Literary Biography Vol. 115, edited by Jeremiah Hackett, Detroit: Gale Publishing, 3-15.
- Philosophy in the Latin Christian West, 750-1050, in A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages, edited by Jorge Gracia and Tim Noone, Blackwell 2003, 32-35.
- Ockham wielding his razor!
- Review of The Beatles Anthology, Chronicle Books 2000 (367pp).
- A brief discussion note about Susan James, Passion and Action: The Emotions in Seventeenth-Century Philosophy.
- Review of St. Thomas Aquinas by Ralph McInerny, University of Notre Dame Press 1982 (172pp). From International Philosophical Quarterly23 (1983), 227-229.
- Review of William Heytesbury on Maxima and Minima by John Longeway, D.Reidel 1984 (x+201pp). From The Philosophical Review 96 (1987), 146-149.
- Review of That Most Subtle Question by D. P. Henry, Manchester University Press 1984 (xviii+337pp). From The Philosophical Review 96 (1987), 149-152.
- Review of Introduction to the Problem of Individuation in the Early Middle Ages by Jorge Gracia, Catholic University of America Press 1984 (303pp). From The Philosophical Review 97 (1988), 564-567.
- Review of Introduction to Medieval Logic by Alexander Broadie, OUP 1987 (vi+150pp). From The Philosophical Review 99 (1990), 299-302.
Showing posts with label John Bordley Rawls (1921–2002). Show all posts
Showing posts with label John Bordley Rawls (1921–2002). Show all posts
Tuesday, January 5, 2010
"Justice as Fairness: A Restatement" by John Bordley Rawls,2001
Is a revision of his classic "A Theory of Justice".
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press, 2001.
This shorter summary of the main arguments of Rawls' political philosophy was edited by Erin Kelly. Many versions of this were circulated in typescript and much of the material was delivered by Rawls in lectures when he taught courses covering his own work at Harvard University.
Rawls is responding to criticism as well as adding further thought to his earlier A Theory of Justice.
Written shortly before his death in 2002.
In part I,
he discusses several fundamental ideas,
all of which are in his earlier book as well as Political Liberalism (1995):
-a well-ordered society;
-the basic structure of society;
-the original position;
-free and equal persons;
-public justification;
-reflective equilibrium; and
-overlapping consensus.
In part II,
he moves on to his principles of justice,
revising them from his earlier edition, which now read :
a.Each person has the same indefeasible claim to a fully adequate scheme of equal basic liberties, which scheme is compatible with the same scheme of liberties for all; and
b.Social and economic inequalities are to satisfy two conditions:
-first,
they are to be attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity; and
-second,
they are to be to the greatest benefit of the least-advantaged members of society (the difference principle).
In part III,
Rawls expands on his argument for the two principles of the Original position.
Here he brings in a new concept,
that of Public reason,
an idea that is not well discussed in Theory of Justice.
Part IV
takes the reader to public institutions that will be present in a just and fair society.
He lists five types of social systems:
1.Laissez-faire capitalism
2.Welfare-state capitalism
3.State socialism with a command economy
4.Property-owning democracy
5.Liberal (democratic) socialism.
Rawls holds that the first three
"[violate] the two principles of justice in at least one way",
thus leaving only
(4) property-owning democracy and
(5) liberal socialism
as the "ideal descriptions" that include
"arrangements designed to satisfy the two principles of justice".
In part V
he explains why political liberalism is not only possible,
but why it is not utopian thinking to believe that such a society is possible.
..
Looking primarily at the twentieth century United States,
he is certain that institutions within US society are causing injustices.
The very expensive campaign system essentially rules out all but the very rich from even deciding to run for public office.
The expense of healthcare restricts the best care to those who can afford it,
leaving the poor to only the most basic of services.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press, 2001.
This shorter summary of the main arguments of Rawls' political philosophy was edited by Erin Kelly. Many versions of this were circulated in typescript and much of the material was delivered by Rawls in lectures when he taught courses covering his own work at Harvard University.
Rawls is responding to criticism as well as adding further thought to his earlier A Theory of Justice.
Written shortly before his death in 2002.
In part I,
he discusses several fundamental ideas,
all of which are in his earlier book as well as Political Liberalism (1995):
-a well-ordered society;
-the basic structure of society;
-the original position;
-free and equal persons;
-public justification;
-reflective equilibrium; and
-overlapping consensus.
In part II,
he moves on to his principles of justice,
revising them from his earlier edition, which now read :
a.Each person has the same indefeasible claim to a fully adequate scheme of equal basic liberties, which scheme is compatible with the same scheme of liberties for all; and
b.Social and economic inequalities are to satisfy two conditions:
-first,
they are to be attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity; and
-second,
they are to be to the greatest benefit of the least-advantaged members of society (the difference principle).
In part III,
Rawls expands on his argument for the two principles of the Original position.
Here he brings in a new concept,
that of Public reason,
an idea that is not well discussed in Theory of Justice.
Part IV
takes the reader to public institutions that will be present in a just and fair society.
He lists five types of social systems:
1.Laissez-faire capitalism
2.Welfare-state capitalism
3.State socialism with a command economy
4.Property-owning democracy
5.Liberal (democratic) socialism.
Rawls holds that the first three
"[violate] the two principles of justice in at least one way",
thus leaving only
(4) property-owning democracy and
(5) liberal socialism
as the "ideal descriptions" that include
"arrangements designed to satisfy the two principles of justice".
In part V
he explains why political liberalism is not only possible,
but why it is not utopian thinking to believe that such a society is possible.
..
Looking primarily at the twentieth century United States,
he is certain that institutions within US society are causing injustices.
The very expensive campaign system essentially rules out all but the very rich from even deciding to run for public office.
The expense of healthcare restricts the best care to those who can afford it,
leaving the poor to only the most basic of services.
"A Theory of Justice" byJohn Bordley Rawls,1971
John Bordley Rawls (February 21, 1921 – November 24, 2002) was an American philosopher and a leading figure in moral and political philosophy.
.
He held the James Bryant Conant University Professorship at Harvard.
.
His magnum opus A Theory of Justice (1971) is now regarded as "one of the primary texts in political philosophy."
His work in political philosophy, dubbed Rawlsianism,takes as its starting point the argument that "most reasonable principles of justice are those everyone would accept and agree to from a fair position."
Rawls employs a number of thought experiments—including the famous veil of ignorance
—to determine what constitutes a fair agreement in which "everyone is impartially situated as equals," in order to determine principles of social justice.
Rawls received both the Schock Prize for Logic and Philosophy and the National Humanities Medal in 1999, the latter presented by President Bill Clinton, in recognition of how Rawls's thought "helped a whole generation of learned Americans revive their faith in democracy itself."
..
A Theory of Justice
is a widely-read book of political philosophy and ethics by John Rawls.
It was originally published in 1971 and revised in both 1975 (for the translated editions) and 1999.
In A Theory of Justice, Rawls attempts to solve the problem of distributive justice by utilising a variant of the familiar device of the social contract.
The resultant theory is known as "Justice as Fairness", from which Rawls derives his two famous principles of justice: the liberty principle and the difference principle.
..
Rawls argues for a principled reconciliation of liberty and equality.
Central to this effort is :
an account of the circumstances of justice (inspired by David Hume),
and a fair choice situation (closer in spirit to Immanuel Kant) for parties facing such circumstances.
Principles of justice are sought to guide the conduct of the parties.
These parties face moderate scarcity, and they are neither naturally altruistic nor purely egoistic: they have ends which they seek to advance, but desire to advance them through cooperation with others on mutually acceptable terms.
Rawls offers a model of a fair choice situation (the original position with its veil of ignorance) within which parties would hypothetically choose mutually acceptable principles of justice.
Under such constraints, Rawls believes that parties would find his favored principles of justice to be especially attractive, winning out over varied alternatives, including utilitarian and libertarian accounts.
..
The First Principle of Justice
Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive scheme of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar scheme of liberties for others.
The basic liberties of citizens are :
roughly speaking,
political liberty (i.e., to vote and run for office),
freedom of speech and assembly,
liberty of conscience,
freedom of personal property;
and freedom from arbitrary arrest.
However, he says:
liberties not on the list,
for example, the right to own certain kinds of property (e.g. means of production) and freedom of contract as understood by the doctrine of laissez-faire are not basic; and so they are not protected by the priority of the first principle.
The first principle is more or less absolute, and may not be violated, even for the sake of the second principle, above an unspecified but low level of economic development (i.e. the first principle is, under most conditions, lexically prior to the second principle).
However, because various basic liberties may conflict, it may be necessary to trade them off against each other for the sake of obtaining the largest possible system of rights.
There is thus some uncertainty as to exactly what is mandated by the principle, and it is possible that a plurality of sets of liberties satisfy its requirements.
..
The Second Principle of Justice
Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that :
a) they are to be of the greatest benefit to the least-advantaged members of society (the difference principle).
b) offices and positions must be open to everyone under conditions of fair equality of opportunity
Rawls' claim in a is that departures from equality of a list of what he calls primary goods
– 'things which a rational man wants whatever else he wants' –
are justified only to the extent that they improve the lot of those who are worst
-off under that distribution in comparison with the previous, equal, distribution.
His position is at least in some sense egalitarian, with a proviso that equality is not to be achieved by worsening the position of the least advantaged.
An important consequence here, however, is that inequalities can actually be just on Rawls's view, as long as they are to the benefit of the least well off.
His argument for this position rests heavily on the claim that morally arbitrary factors (for example, the family we're born into) shouldn't determine our life chances or opportunities.
Rawls is also keying on an intuition that we do not deserve inborn talents,
thus we are not entitled to all the benefits we could possibly receive from them, meaning that at least one of the criteria which could provide an alternative to equality in assessing the justice of distributions is eliminated.
The stipulation in b is lexically prior to that in a.
"Fair equality of opportunity"
requires not merely that offices and positions are distributed on the basis of merit, but that all have reasonable opportunity to acquire the skills on the basis of which merit is assessed.
It is often thought that this stipulation,
and even the first principle of justice,
may require greater equality than the difference principle,
because large social and economic inequalities,
even when they are to the advantage of the worst-off,
will tend to seriously undermine the value of the political liberties and any measures towards fair equality of opportunity.
.
He held the James Bryant Conant University Professorship at Harvard.
.
His magnum opus A Theory of Justice (1971) is now regarded as "one of the primary texts in political philosophy."
His work in political philosophy, dubbed Rawlsianism,takes as its starting point the argument that "most reasonable principles of justice are those everyone would accept and agree to from a fair position."
Rawls employs a number of thought experiments—including the famous veil of ignorance
—to determine what constitutes a fair agreement in which "everyone is impartially situated as equals," in order to determine principles of social justice.
Rawls received both the Schock Prize for Logic and Philosophy and the National Humanities Medal in 1999, the latter presented by President Bill Clinton, in recognition of how Rawls's thought "helped a whole generation of learned Americans revive their faith in democracy itself."
..
A Theory of Justice
is a widely-read book of political philosophy and ethics by John Rawls.
It was originally published in 1971 and revised in both 1975 (for the translated editions) and 1999.
In A Theory of Justice, Rawls attempts to solve the problem of distributive justice by utilising a variant of the familiar device of the social contract.
The resultant theory is known as "Justice as Fairness", from which Rawls derives his two famous principles of justice: the liberty principle and the difference principle.
..
Rawls argues for a principled reconciliation of liberty and equality.
Central to this effort is :
an account of the circumstances of justice (inspired by David Hume),
and a fair choice situation (closer in spirit to Immanuel Kant) for parties facing such circumstances.
Principles of justice are sought to guide the conduct of the parties.
These parties face moderate scarcity, and they are neither naturally altruistic nor purely egoistic: they have ends which they seek to advance, but desire to advance them through cooperation with others on mutually acceptable terms.
Rawls offers a model of a fair choice situation (the original position with its veil of ignorance) within which parties would hypothetically choose mutually acceptable principles of justice.
Under such constraints, Rawls believes that parties would find his favored principles of justice to be especially attractive, winning out over varied alternatives, including utilitarian and libertarian accounts.
..
The First Principle of Justice
Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive scheme of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar scheme of liberties for others.
The basic liberties of citizens are :
roughly speaking,
political liberty (i.e., to vote and run for office),
freedom of speech and assembly,
liberty of conscience,
freedom of personal property;
and freedom from arbitrary arrest.
However, he says:
liberties not on the list,
for example, the right to own certain kinds of property (e.g. means of production) and freedom of contract as understood by the doctrine of laissez-faire are not basic; and so they are not protected by the priority of the first principle.
The first principle is more or less absolute, and may not be violated, even for the sake of the second principle, above an unspecified but low level of economic development (i.e. the first principle is, under most conditions, lexically prior to the second principle).
However, because various basic liberties may conflict, it may be necessary to trade them off against each other for the sake of obtaining the largest possible system of rights.
There is thus some uncertainty as to exactly what is mandated by the principle, and it is possible that a plurality of sets of liberties satisfy its requirements.
..
The Second Principle of Justice
Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that :
a) they are to be of the greatest benefit to the least-advantaged members of society (the difference principle).
b) offices and positions must be open to everyone under conditions of fair equality of opportunity
Rawls' claim in a is that departures from equality of a list of what he calls primary goods
– 'things which a rational man wants whatever else he wants' –
are justified only to the extent that they improve the lot of those who are worst
-off under that distribution in comparison with the previous, equal, distribution.
His position is at least in some sense egalitarian, with a proviso that equality is not to be achieved by worsening the position of the least advantaged.
An important consequence here, however, is that inequalities can actually be just on Rawls's view, as long as they are to the benefit of the least well off.
His argument for this position rests heavily on the claim that morally arbitrary factors (for example, the family we're born into) shouldn't determine our life chances or opportunities.
Rawls is also keying on an intuition that we do not deserve inborn talents,
thus we are not entitled to all the benefits we could possibly receive from them, meaning that at least one of the criteria which could provide an alternative to equality in assessing the justice of distributions is eliminated.
The stipulation in b is lexically prior to that in a.
"Fair equality of opportunity"
requires not merely that offices and positions are distributed on the basis of merit, but that all have reasonable opportunity to acquire the skills on the basis of which merit is assessed.
It is often thought that this stipulation,
and even the first principle of justice,
may require greater equality than the difference principle,
because large social and economic inequalities,
even when they are to the advantage of the worst-off,
will tend to seriously undermine the value of the political liberties and any measures towards fair equality of opportunity.
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